for he was the right hand man of Guy Banister, who likewise was ignored -- not a witness, not referred to Martin, too, to1d of the marching male marionettes; and had to be abused and defamed to protect Ferrie. Banister was then alive. His heart attack was fortuitous for the government, now that his involvement in the Cuban activities can no longer be suppressed, now that it is known the government knew about it and suppressed it.

Whether or not it made the papers or was of interest to Warren C deBrueys and the FBI, it is, nonetheless, a fact that Davis was well known to the other characters with leading roles in the story of Oswald in New Orleans. Davis and Arcacha lived but two blocks apart, in the Parkchester Apartments. Davis knew Arcacha well; it was Arcacha who introduced him to Ferrie. Davis also knew Guy Banister and was, although again it was of no interest to the FBI, a witness to the famous Oswald handbill distribution. He stood on the corner and watched Bringuier break it up in the operation that helped Oswald establish his intelligence "cover."

Davis knew Oswald. He was introduced by Carlos Quiroga. Although the official documents, save for one, would indicate that Quiroga's attempt to "penetrate" Oswald's phony "Fair Play For Cuba Committee" was a one man effort, Davis acknowledges he did, in fact, accompany Quiroga. That one dissenting document -- found buried in the Archives -- was the report of a neighbor stating that once two men visited Oswald. Either deBrueys did not ask Davis about his participation or, as often happened with the FBI reporting of its inquiries, did not record it.

Had deBrueys done either, the files would show not the Bringuier nonsense that the camp was forced to close down because of the alleged espionage, but that earlier those who lived near it complained of the

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shooting and the owners of the property on which the camp was located were apprehensive because of the discovery of explosives so close to it. Davis was not secretive about these things; only the FBI and deBrueys were.

Were Ferrie's "soldiers" anything more? Maybe we will yet know.

On February 28 the Associated Press reported that

An unidentified man asking questions about Oswald was reported by employees of a hotel (in Mexico City) where Oswald stayed . . . Police sources in Mexico City said it would be "logical" for Garrison to check Mexico because of his probe into relations between Oswald and Cubans in Florida and other southern states.

There is no record that Oswald was ever in Florida. Remember the story of "The False Oswald"?

United Press International reported the same day that

In Mexico City, the newspaper Novedades said police have the names of at least 14 persons, including some US nationals, with whom Lee Harvey Oswald, the accused assassin, had "direct or indirect" contact.

What Novedades under the name of editor Daniel R. Nava, actually said adds point and excitement to the version of its story printed in the United States: Most of these 14 people were Cuban exiles, those least likely to be sought out by a genuinely pro-Castro Oswald. All of the news is not fit to print in the United States, if it is not in accord with official policy. It is not because journalistically worthwhile information was not available.

The Washington Post early understood where Garrison was going. Intending him and me no credit, it noted the 1965 assessment made in Whitewash that Cuban refugees were involved in the assassination. Few other papers noted or acknowledged the direction of Garrison's investigation.

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One that did -- and then also did nothing except malign the critics of the Commission -- is the New York Post. In less than an inch and a half of the most inconspicuous type it said on March 16:

An essential part of Garrison's investigation has been centered on Cuban exiles who were trained in the New Orleans area by the CIA for the ill-fated Bay of Pigs invasion. Reportedly some of these Americans trained Cubans (sic) were believed by Garrison to have been in on the plot to kill Kennedy because of their disillusionment with the way the invasion was handled.

So, in April 1967, it still looks as though, if left to the federal government and the press, we will have only the official fraud of a "solution" to the assassination of John F. Kennedy. Garrison will have to overcome a multitude of hazards and obstacles; and those of us who believe more than the solution of a murder is involved will have to continue to bring the truth to public attention -- but the truth in a form that cannot be longer denied by the reluctant government or its lackeys.

15. PRELIMINARY POSTSCRIPT FROM MIAMI

Two weeks before John Fitzgerald Kennedy was assassinated in Dallas a man sat in a Miami apartment and described how it could be done.

The man was an organizer for a States Rights party. And his conversation was being taped by the intelligence Division of the Miami Police Department.

The man said that a plan to kill the President was in the works. He said Kennedy would be shot with a high-powered rifle from an office building, and he said that the gun would be disassembled taken into the building, assembled, and then used for murder.

This is the beginning of a sensational and completely undenied or refuted story by Bill Barry in the Miami News of February 2, 1967.

It is not fiction. It reports an astounding parallel to what in the official account actually happened in the assassination. Of course, the newspapers immediately queried the Secret Service. Of course, it had no comment, its permanent refuge.

Barry's story continues:

They will pick up somebody within hours afterwards . . .just to throw The public off," he said.

The man told his tale on Nov. 9, 1963. He was talking to a police informer who was posing as a States Rights advocate. The tape of the conversation was given to the Secret Service. And the informer gave a statement to a Secret Service agent.

Two weeks later -- four days after President Kennedy addressed the Inter-American Press Association Miami convention on November 18, 1963 it all happened. Lee Harvey Oswald said, although denied his last say by the government, which edited it out, "I haven't killed anyone. I'm just a 'patsy,"' an echo from the tape-recorded Miami prediction.

In releasing this tape recording more than three years after the assassination, even though they had

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given it immediately to the federal government, Miami authorities said they did so because of the striking similarity between what the man said could happen" and the official version of what did, Barry wrote. It seems a safe assumption that this belated decision was dictated not by the "similarity," then 38 months old, but by the knowledge Miami and federal officials had of the Garrison investigation.

Barry's story then said:

The intelligence agents say that the man was picked up and questioned by the FBI on Nov 27 -- five days after Kennedy died. Copies of the taped conversation have been in the Miami Police files ever since. Intelligence agents say they do not know what happened to the man captured on the tape.

On Dec.10,hbe left his Georgia home on a Political trip which included a stop in Dallas. The informer says be had not seen the man since then . . .

The man in Miami who had predicted a method of as assassination two weeks before it happened also said this: "He (Kennedy) knows he is a marked man."

The informer asked "They are really going to try to kill him?"

The man answered "It is in the working " . . .

The man in Miami had also named one man who was gunning for Kennedy. He said ". . . (he) is just as likely to get him as anybody . . . he tried to get Martin Luther King . . . he followed him for miles and miles, and couldn't get close enough to him."

The man be named was not Lee Harvey Oswald. He is a Klan leader from Tennessee. He was also working with Right Wing groups, trying to form a third American political party dedicated to the preservation of State's Rights.

The man talking in Miami described the Klansman as a member of the hardcore underground which had a taste for terror by bombing The man said that the Klansman participated in the bombing of the Birmingham church in which several Negro children were killed.

The man said "If he wants to blow up the National Capitol, that is all right with me. I will go with him. But not as a party though, as an individual.

"After the conversation, and the way he talked to us, there is no question in my mind about who knocked the church off in Birmingham."

The man said he himself had been contacted by an underground chief in Delaware who had his eye on the Supreme Court Building in Washington. The man talking had worked on the construction of the building for three and a half years.

He said "He wanted me to give him the layout there so they could go over there and do some things there, you know. But he called it off . . . I was ready to go with him. I gave him the damn information he wanted."

The informer had traveled to Right Wing meetings with the man talking. He had told his police contacts that everywhere he went be had

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heard talk about the plans to kill John F. Kennedy. The President was coming to Miami on Nov 18. The police told the informer to get his friend to Miami, so they could "bug" his talk about assassination.

Sitting in an armchair in a cream-colored parlor in Miami on Nov 9, 1963, two weeks before the President was killed, the man said "Well, we are going to have to get nasty. We have got to be sitting on go, too. There ain't any countdown to it. We have just got to be sitting on go. Count down and they can move in on you. And on go they can't. Count down is all right for a slow, prepared operation. But in an emergency operation, you have got to be sitting on go "

The informer said: "I think Kennedy is coming here on the 18th, or something like that to make some kind of speech."

The man said "You can bet your bottom dollar be is going to have a lot to say about the Cubans, there are so many of them here."

The informer said "Yeah, he will have a thousand bodyguards. Don't worry about that "

The man said "The more bodyguards he has, the easier it is to get him."

"What?"

"The more bodyguards he has, the more easier it is to get him."

"Well, how in the hell do you figure would be the best way to get him?"

"From an office building with a high-powered rifle," the man said.

The informer said "Boy, if that Kennedy gets shot, we have got to know where we are at. Because you know that will be a real shake if they do that."

The man said: "They wouldn't leave any stone unturned there no way. They will pick up somebody within hours afterward. Just to throw the public off."

There was no talk about killing Kennedy with a bomb.

Sitting in the Miami apartment on Wednesday, Nov, 9, two weeks before the President was assassinated, the man talked on. Behind his chair were some small holes in the wall. Inside the holes were wires. The wires snaked through the wall to a box hidden on top of the refrigerator in the kitchen.

The box was the police tape recorder which was taking down the man's talk about assassination.

The President came to Miami on Nov. 18. Police Intelligence took extraordinary steps to guard the President's life. They insisted that he abandon the plan to take a motorcade from the airport to downtown They put him on a helicopter instead.

The President left Miami in good health. It was Monday.

That Friday there was no count down in Dallas. Somebody was sitting on go.

The President was shot dead.

Bill Barry has told me that as soon as the President was killed, "the man who made the tape allegedly told the police informer: 'Well, it's been done. I told you it was gonna be done, so it was done."' Later, to Barry personally, he "denied ever making the tape or ever

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saying the things said on it."

Allan Dale, of Radio Station KOAI, San Antonio, Texas, has a tape-recorded "confession" given after the assassination that at my request he has given to Garrison. It was made with him by a man who overheard a similar plot and was silent, not really believing it.

This man, who identified himself to Dale, should remain nameless for he never expected the President to be killed.

He was in a Mexican bar, drinking with others of this organization. The story told in front of him is that the Mafia had been offered a "contract" on Kennedy -- i.e., a hired murder. It was "too hot" for the Mafia, so the Minutemen picked up the contract.

When Dale heard about the story he contacted this man, who is respected and in business "within 300 miles of San Antonio." He confirmed it in detail and on a recording. Dale's check of this man shows he has a good reputation and is exactly what he claims to be.

There is still another such story of the radical right volunteered to me by a total stranger. He phoned from California after reading Whitewash and offered to talk to me about the characters in The False Oswald. He claims to have known them. If he did not, he has made a remarkable study of them, for he provided the most intimate and accurate detail. I asked friends in California to speak to him for me because I could not then fly across the continent.

After initial contact, my friends enlisted the assistance of a former FBI agent who, in a second and longer meeting, did the questioning. This man involves the radical right very deeply in the assassination and with The False Oswald people and others he names. I consider it improper to divulge this in a book when there is no possibility of my checking it out in detail first and when there is little likelihood the people involved, if they can be found, will talk. But their silence or their apparent disappearance (West Coast

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friends of mine have undertaken a search) should not make them immune to questioning. I also believe such questioning should be offlcial, so that the people involved will have the protection of the law and those questioning have its authority. Garrison now has this. Whether it is within his jurisdiction or capability, only he can decide, but the material would at least be in his files for the future use of other possible official proceeding.

There is nothing illogical in all of these people having had the same desires, nor is there improbability of their collaboration.

There is an obvious political affinity between the native radical right and their Cuban counterparts -- the affiliation of Ferrie and the other non-Cubans with the New Orleans Cubans came naturally.

The Secret Service had "no comment." The FBI had "no comment." In answer to what the tape recording released by the Miami police reveals, this can be interpreted as eloquent comment. When considered in connection with not just what the govermnent says happened in Dallas, but also with what is suppressed from the Report of the Castro speech delivered publicly at the Inter-American Press Association in Miami three days before the assassination it can be interpreted as forecasting, the reticence of the Secret Service can have still more eloquence.

As we have seen, the Commission dignified and reprinted as "evidence" the false report of a Castro speech in which it knew the words attributed to him had never been spoken by him. It printed the entire fraud, with denial, for the use of the radical right, which ignored the denial and uses the fraud, saying Oswald had been in Cuba.

It does not print the speech Castro really did make. It does not print the speech made at the Inter-American Press Association meeting the day after the President spoke, the speech that certainly seems to have

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predicted the assassination. Nor does it print Castro's reference to it or to the wire service reports made before Castro's speech and which he quoted.

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CONCLUSION

Whitewash: The Report on the Warren Report proves that the Report of the President's Commission was a whitewash. It does this with the Commission's own printed evidence, which invalidates or casts into serious doubt all of the major conclusions of the Report.

Whitewash ll: The FBI-Secret Service Cover-Up proves that the FBI and the Secret Service did engage in a cover-up. It does this largely with the until then secret files of the Commission, with the documents of the FBI and the Secret Service. It leaves no doubt that there was such a cover-up and that the Commission staff lent themselves to it. It implies that it is the CIA that was being shielded. Both books indicate Oswald had CIA relations.

Oswald in New Orleans: CIA Whitewash shows that the CIA and its involvement in the assassination were whitewashed. It shows who did the whitewashing and how. It discloses much of the suppressed evidence and some of what was, not by accident, ignored.

At the end of a book, it is customary for the author to draw together all the contents and from this evidence state his conclusions.

The essential conclusion of this book is so simple that the title states it. The minor conclusions are explicit throughout and are too numerous to recapitulate. Should there be any who doubt that what did happen could have, as the professional doubters and apologists pretend, I ask that they draw their own conclusions from questions that cover part of the cited evidence. In each case the answers are obvious, unavoidable and unequivocal:

Is it believable that the FBI is incompetent and is rivaled in this by the Secret Service? Is it believable that J. Edgar Hoover does not know the business he

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invented, that he read all the reports and did not understand that they were not reports and did not account for real investigations?

Does one believe that Warren deBrueys was at the Cuban Revolutionary Council as part of his social life? That Orest Pena's complaints about deBrueys, twice made in person to the FBI office, once in the presence of his lawyer, were not known to the Commission? Liebeler did not go into them, but what does that mean?

Does one believe that Wesley J. Liebeler, Professor of Law at the University of California, did not know what he was doing, for one minute believed that he conducted an investigation of Ferrie (or Albert Jenner with him), that he really investigated that handbill distribution by Oswald, that he made even a pro forma effort to find out who was with Oswald, that he did not know Dean Andrews's office had been ransacked with no valuables taken, just the files that might have held these otherwise unimportant records, that he did not know that Sam Monk Zelden would confirm Andrews's Commission testimony, and that the FBI did not know that Andrews had held and used a telephone repeatedly while it was reporting he could not?

Can one believe that Liebeler did not know of all the other characters around Ferrie and Oswald who should have been vigorously investigated and whose names are not in the interrogations he conducted? Can one believe that any competent lawyer can be satisfied with his interrogations and misuse of the evidence that was available -- not what the FBI did not get but what the Commission had?

Is it believable that Oswald, arranging for the purchase of trucks for the "Friends of Cuba," should have been ignored?

Is it believable that Liebeler did not know the whole story of this invasion training camp, the arsenals and the FBI raid, that his performance of his duties did not

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require this knowledge, that the information he put in evidence did not tell the story?

Is it believable that FBI Agent Wall did not know Guy Banister's detective agency was a detective agency that it was in the same building as the Cuban Revolutionary Council although he gave a different address for it, that he did not know what Banister was up to; is it believable that Wall did not know who Arcacha was without asking Banister, that he asked about Arcacha immediately after the assassination because he and the FBI believed there was no connection, that he did not find and severely question Arcacha because the Cuban Batistiano was not available, that he cannot conduct a better investigation than he reports in 47 words, that he had to leave the mystery about who wanted to rent the former Cuban Revolutionary Council office as a mystery? Could Wall not have known that Oswald gave as a return address on pro-Castro literature the building that had housed the anti-Castro Cuban exile group and still housed its ally and associate Banister?

Is it believable that Oswald, the defector to the Soviet Union, got himself arrested in an ostentatious pro-Castro display and then asked for the FBI for no reason? Can one credit the FBI's explanation that this sort of request is made all the time?

Can one believe that there ever was any real investigation of David William Ferrie, intended or made? That those mockeries called reports, one of which Ferrie himself wrote, represent anything like an investigation or were ever intended to, or that the FBI did not know that Ferrie, friend of deBrueys' friends, attended the meetings deBrueys attended?

Can one believe it is only coincidence that deBrueys left his assigmnent in New Orleans when Oswald left New Orleans, was in Dallas when Oswald was there, and returned to New Orleans when Oswald was dead?

Can one believe that deBrueys for a moment be

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lieved the pap he reported about Rudolph Richard Davis and did not know before his "investigation" and "report" on it that his own FBI hsid raided that training camp and why? Or that he did not know the whole story of that camp and the people connected with it?

Can one believe that Liebeler's interrogations of the extreme rightists, Walker and Bringuier, were serious, were anything but a mechanical gestuire?

That the FBI could not get the police pictures in Dallas, could not remember to show the contemporaneous pictures to the Odio women and, instead, showed them pictures of young men taken as much as five years earlier? Or could not, as Garrison did, draw whiskers on - a picture of Oswald after Sylvia Odio described the repulsively bearded condition of "Leon" Oswald?

Can one believe the game played with Mrs. Odio about the beards is an accident or was an effort to make identification difficult or impossible? Was it necessary, normal FBI operations?

Can one believe the FBl could not have learned more of the activities and associates of the men in the story of The False Oswald had it wanted to, that it never thought of asking the Odio women whether their entirely unnecessary "war names" could have been Alonzo rather than Angelo, or Lorenzo or Leovino rather than the improbable Leopoldo? Or that they did not recognize the signs that these men had been in New Orleans?

Can one believe that neither the FBI nor the Commission knew it had to investigate The False Oswald and find the men before the investigation was ended?

Can one believe that the FBl investigated Clay Shaw because it did not have reason to connect him with the assassination, and that it did investigate him for the Commission without the Commission's having a single file with his name, not a single one among

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the over-advertised 25,000 interviews? Or that he could have been investigated without knowing it?

Can one believe that it is just another accident that Orest Pena was set upon just the time he was going to report what he knew to me, and that it is just coincidence that this assault, to which no police responded when he called, followed threats? Or that his bartender, Evaristo Rodriguez was shot at only because there are lots of baddies around New Orleans, and not because he could make identifications, and that this attack too had nothing to do with previously made threats? And that none of this is connected to Pena's effort to make it known that FBI Agent Warren C. deBrueys regularly attended Cuban exile meetings?

Can one believe that the documents in the Commission's flles which were omitted from its deliberations and suppressed from its Report and printed evidence, were expunged by accident, through a pervasive "sloppiness"?

Can one believe that "sloppiness" is a defense against the deficiencies of or errors in an offlcial investigation of the murder of an American President?

Is it believable that it is accident or "sloppiness" that parts of files are in evidence and other parts are not -- that it can be accidental that the real Castro speech quoting what may fairly be interpreted as a prediction of the assassination is not in the evidence but the inappropriate speech is, with the proof of its misinterpretation and misuse -- that it can be accidental those puerile pretenses of reports on the Cuban invasion camp that was raided were not printed when all the trash found ample space?

Can one think it an accident that the FBI expunged from its reports the right-wing extremist sponsorship under which Bringuier traveled and spoke, that it could not and in other cases would not have found him, even had it not known his day-by-day whereabouts, had it really been in a hurry to learn what the Com

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mission asked of it?

Can one believe that a threat to kill a President is either some kind of "joke" or a "colloquial expression"?

Can one believe that Wesley Liebeler -- or the FBI and other federal investigators or the Commission and its staff -- had "only Truth for a client," or that they served it well?

Can one believe these things?

I do not and cannot believe an appreciable number of them are or can be accidental.

I believe they are part of the whitewash. Without them there could have been none.

I do not believe all these men are incompetents.

And I do believe they have wrought the greatest shame in our history, while shielding the CIA.

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SHADOW OF A HAPPY ENDING -- AN EPILOGUE

My own investigations in New Orleans were fruitful, thanks entirely to the wonderful and friendly people I found there, people who were not afraid. Not that all or even most of the potential witnesses in Jim Garrison's investigation live without fear. Perhaps his major problem with witnesses is this fear, and the unwillingness of so many to risk involvement. That is still dominant in our country. Oswald's former Marine mate who phoned me in San Francisco has since been mute. Many who took pictures at the time of the assassination and whose pictures were of no interest to the FBI are not heard from, though pictures taken immediately before or after the firing may be of greatest value.

Any number of men and women in New Orleans who have important information are also silent. What I learned in my own investigation ranges from the trivial but interesting on up. My step-brother, Dr. Jack Kety, of Covington, Louisiana, just a little past the training camp site of the Lacombe-Mandeville road from New Orleans, had treated David Ferrie seven years earlier. Another Eastern Airlines pilot, one of Jack's patients, persuaded Ferrie to consult Jack about his hair loss. The problem, it turns out, was not caused by that romantic but undescribed accident, that "explosion," nor by the dripping of battery acids in a plane, as he told Garrison. The actual cause: an unromantic disease.

When the sex charges were entered against Ferrie, he stopped going to Jack. Until then he was suffering from alopecia areta. It was responding to Jack's science, and fuzz had started to grow back in the bald spots. Without proper sttention, it degenerated into alopecia totalu and rendered him hairless.

Then there was Orest Pena. Bill Martin, an assistant district attorney who is fluent in Spanish, accompanied

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me when I interviewed Orest. Rightly or wrongly, as only the future can attest, we were both impressed by this new American's dedication to his new country. Others may be afraid, but not Orest. With Bill Martin's fluency in Spanish to overcome my unfamiliarity with Orest's accent, we learned more from this new citizen, who does not fear getting involved and I think thereby shows a concept of citizenship that should be the standard of those born to it. When we talked about FBI Agent Warren deBrueys, Pena added the charge that, after he testified before Liebeler, deBrueys visited him at the Habana Bar. When Pena entered his place of business, he saw deBrueys sitting tensely, quivering. The FBI man, he says, threatened him. Although Pena is a slight man, he says he invited deBrueys outside. His invitation was not accepted.

"Take me before the grand jury!" Pena demanded. I will tell them everything I know. Bring the whole New Orleans press in!"

He was baflled when we sought to explain to him that the grand jury proceeding is and must be secret. I think he began to suspect us when we tried to explain that the integrity of the law and the rights of the individual require this. Our discussion began in his modest apartment above the bar, continued at the bar, and ended in the street in front of it several hours later. He was still, from his expression, dubious at our assurance there was a proper time for the press to be present, and that was in open court.

Less than a week after my departure from New Orleans, a few newspapers noted that Garrison had subpoenaed deBrueys and Regis Kennedy to appear before the grand jury. He will call more FBI agents.

The charm, beauty and individuality of the French Quarter, the ancient part of the city, is as the travel brochures assure. The decibel level is augmented electronically. Hard-faced and soft- bodied almost naked girls -- less naked than when Jim Garrison became

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district attorney -- undulate slowly from couches in the windows of Bourbon Street flesh, music and liquor emporia. The come-ons at other establishments are male. The cafe-au-lait at the other end of the Vieux Carré, at the French Market, where the street level is below that of the Mississippi and the ships from afar tower over the patios, is made as it was a century ago. It is served with the traditional square doughnuts, popover-like beignets, hollow but calorie-laden (at the Modern Call, modern only in its neon sign, one shakes the powdered sugar on these delicacies to his own taste from the now rare canisters that once were in every kitchen and on the counters of all the now vanished neighborhood bakeries).

In the early morning, late Spring sun, with tourists, merchants from the wholesale fruit and vegetable stalls, sailors from afar and local stevedores a cosmopolitan mixture with those who just live in the Quarter and all sharing the delight of the at once delicate and lusty morning brew, gracefully and formally served by aging waiters who have spent their lives learning to handle shining, large, narrow-spouted pot of hot black coffee and hot milk simultaneously poured in just the blend each patron prefers, it is inconceivable to the stranger that this same picturesque relic of the past, still painted with the pastels so pleasing to the eye, can at night be a sink of iniquity to the "square" and a haven of freedom for the indulgences of the modern hippies, the swingers and those whose tastes in sex are nonconforming.

Even at night, with the narrow sidewalks unable to accommodate the perforce slow-moving throng of miniskirted women and neatly dressed men as peacefully they walk and talk, there is no overt suggestion that this is a nest of crime and vice. The stranger goes alone and safe during the hours of heavy trafflc, dropping occasionally into the narrow streets clogged with one-way traffic when he has no choice. He goes una

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ware of the darkness of the deeds in the small, low buildings that are denied him.

If I avoid enlarging this book with the added detail of this personal investigation, it is not alone to speed its appearance. What has been most lacking since the first bullet splat into the late President is American law in action, the functioning of organized society. That, today, is represented by District Attorney Jim Garrison, "The Jolly Green Giant" to Dean Andrews. It is time for him to have his chance, uninhibited by the special needs and longings of writers as he takes to court that part of the story of the assassination he believes must be presented.

Garrison is an intense and outgoing man with a dedication to his responsibilities as towering as his frame. If only one incorruptible public official has assumed public responsibilities with the assassination, I believe Garrison is that one. On successive nights, I worked with him until one o'clock and left him still working. His office refrigerator held nothing but assorted brands and flavors of canned liquid dietary preparations, the only food he seems to take during the long days in his office.

From the rest of the world and the ends of our country reporters flooded into New Orleans in late February and found Garrison accessible. He was flailed with his own frankness and widely ridiculed. The local newspapers, the Times-Picayune and the States-ltem, according to local gossip, were out to "get" him I found their reporters the embodiment of the theoretical concept of American journalists and refreshing after long acquaintance with the professional sycophants, self-appointed spokesmen for the "establishment" and apologists for government. While hawking over Garrison with the questioning eye and mind that would have delighted Jefferson, who believed a free press more essential than organized government, they conducted their own incredibly professional investigations.

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The morning I decided to check out the strange address notations in Oswald's address book, the only man I found in the courthouse building before seven o'dock aside from police was Reporter Jack Dempsey, credited in New Orleans with beginning the digging into Garrison's investigation.

After I testified before the grand jury, the first writer and "private investigator" to do so, and the New Orleans press decided that I considered the sanctity of its proceedings and the proper working of the law more important than selling books, they trusted me and revealed to me what Jim Garrison and all his competent assistant district attorneys and skilled investigators did not know, that they had organized a cooperative investigation of their own. That in those limited aspects duplicating my own it confirmed me was gratifying, but that they did it at all, after my earlier experience with the high-salaried literary finks, was a source of inspiration. Theirs is the true Pulitzer-Prize journalism.

Sam DePina of WVUE and Ross Yockey and Hoke May of the States-ltem and Times-Picayune did what no big-city, big-name writers attempted. They proved and published the involvement of the CIA with the characters of Garrison's probe. In this they were joined by fellow reporters Rosemary James and David Snyder and by R. T. Endicott, political reporter in Columbus, Ohio, of the Dayton Daily News. How they succeeded is their secret which I preserve for them, for it is also a literary property they should not be denied.

The banner headline across the top of the States-ltem of April 25, 1967, reads, "Evidence Links CIA to DA Probe." A subordinate streamer reads, "Novel Says Munitions Theft 'Set Up' by Agency."

Indications are that federal influence helped deny Garrison his witnesses and their testimony. Ohio officials found evasions and mechanisms they expressed in what amounted to a prior demand that the

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